巫术与魔法|耶鲁大学
字幕摘录
| 时间 | 英文 | 中文 |
|---|---|---|
| 0:02 | A group of workmen working on the highway near the village of | 一组工人在公路上工作 靠近村庄 |
| 0:06 | St. Osith, which is here in Essex in East | 圣奥西斯,位于东部的埃塞克斯 |
| 0:09 | Anglia, discovered a skeleton, and at first they thought they | 盎格利亚发现了一具骨架 起初他们以为 |
| 0:15 | had uncovered a modern crime, but it was soon established that | 已经发现了一起现代犯罪 但很快就确定 |
| 0:17 | it was very old. | 那时很老了 |
| 0:20 | And subsequently, on the basis of both | 之后,根据两者 |
| 0:23 | documentary evidence and forensic evidence, | 书面证据和法医证据, |
| 0:26 | they identified it as being probably the remains of a woman | 他们确认可能是女人的遗骨 |
| 0:30 | named Ursula Kemp, who had been executed at St. | 名叫乌苏拉·肯普 在圣塔被处决 |
| 0:35 | Osith and buried in the highway rather than in consecrated | Osith被埋在公路上,而不是神圣的 |
展开字幕全文(804 条)
| 序号 | 英文 | 中文 |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | A group of workmen working on the highway near the village of | 一组工人在公路上工作 靠近村庄 |
| 2 | St. Osith, which is here in Essex in East | 圣奥西斯,位于东部的埃塞克斯 |
| 3 | Anglia, discovered a skeleton, and at first they thought they | 盎格利亚发现了一具骨架 起初他们以为 |
| 4 | had uncovered a modern crime, but it was soon established that | 已经发现了一起现代犯罪 但很快就确定 |
| 5 | it was very old. | 那时很老了 |
| 6 | And subsequently, on the basis of both | 之后,根据两者 |
| 7 | documentary evidence and forensic evidence, | 书面证据和法医证据, |
| 8 | they identified it as being probably the remains of a woman | 他们确认可能是女人的遗骨 |
| 9 | named Ursula Kemp, who had been executed at St. | 名叫乌苏拉·肯普 在圣塔被处决 |
| 10 | Osith and buried in the highway rather than in consecrated | Osith被埋在公路上,而不是神圣的 |
| 11 | ground in the year 1582. | 1582年时的地面 |
| 12 | And Ursula Kemp's crime was the alleged causing of death by | 而Ursula Kemp的罪行是据称 造成死亡的是... |
| 13 | witchcraft. | 巫术 |
| 14 | Now, today obviously I'm going to talk about witchcraft and | 很明显,今天我要谈巫术 |
| 15 | perhaps explain how it was that people like Ursula Kemp came to | 也许可以解释一下 像Ursula Kemp这样的人是怎么来的 |
| 16 | such an end. | 这样的结束。 |
| 17 | But first of all, we need to start with a | 但首先,我们需要从 |
| 18 | little context by discussing the larger place of not simply | 通过讨论并非简单地 |
| 19 | witchcraft, a specific crime, | 巫术,一种特定的犯罪, |
| 20 | but magic within the popular culture of early modern England. | 但是现代英格兰早期流行文化中的魔法 |
| 21 | We could perhaps define that world of magic as being | 也许我们可以把魔法世界定义为 |
| 22 | essentially a body of beliefs, a large body of beliefs and | 基本上是一个信仰体, 一个庞大的信仰体和 |
| 23 | practices regarding supernatural power which stood outside the | 有关超自然力量的实践 |
| 24 | world of formal religion and yet were widely known and helped | 被人们广泛认识和帮助 |
| 25 | people to cope with their anxieties and their | 人们面对自己的焦虑和 |
| 26 | insecurities. | 不安全 |
| 27 | It helped them to cope above all because it involved various | 它有助于他们应对 首先是因为它涉及到各种 |
| 28 | ritual means of manipulating supernatural powers so as to | 操纵超自然力量的仪式手段 |
| 29 | ward off misfortune or else to alleviate it. | 避免不幸 或减轻它。 |
| 30 | This world of magic then was essentially a world of trying to | 这个魔法世界 本质上是一个试图 |
| 31 | appreciate or to manipulate unidentified supernatural powers, | 欣赏或操纵不明超自然力量, |
| 32 | largely for the purposes of protection and relief. | 主要是为了保护和救济的目的。 |
| 33 | It wasn't, and it's important to stress this, | 不是的,必须强调这一点 |
| 34 | it wasn't an alternative religion. | 这不是另一种宗教。 |
| 35 | It was a whole mess of supplementary beliefs and | 这是一团乱 补充信仰和 |
| 36 | practices being described by one historian as the debris of many | 一位历史学家将这种做法描述为许多人的残块。 |
| 37 | different systems of thought. | 不同的思想体系。 |
| 38 | It was regarded with some suspicion by the church but it | 教会对此有所怀疑,但是 |
| 39 | was not regarded as a threat as such, | 不被视为威胁, |
| 40 | at least not initially. | 至少不是最初。 |
| 41 | One historian writing about popular beliefs has put it | 一个历史学家写道 流行的信仰, 说它 |
| 42 | splendidly, I'm quoting from him, | 我在引用他的话 |
| 43 | named James Obelkovich. | 詹姆斯·奥贝尔科维奇 |
| 44 | It was a large, loose, pluralistic affair | 是一个巨大的,松散的,多元的事情 |
| 45 | without any clear unifying principle. | 没有任何明确的统一原则。 |
| 46 | It encompassed superhuman beings and forces, | 它包括超人和力量, |
| 47 | witches and wise men and a mass of low-grade magical and | 女巫和聪明人 以及一大批低级魔法 |
| 48 | superstitious practices. | 迷信习俗. |
| 49 | The whole was less than the sum of its parts. | 整体比部分的总和还小。 |
| 50 | For it was not a cosmos to be contemplated or worshipped but a | 因为它不是要考虑或崇拜的宇宙,而是一个宇宙 |
| 51 | treasury of separate and specific resources to be used | 单独和专用资源库 |
| 52 | or applied in concrete situations. | 或适用于具体情况。 |
| 53 | That puts it extremely well. | 这说明它非常好。 |
| 54 | These means of tapping into supernatural power were very | 这些利用超自然力量的手段 |
| 55 | widely known. | 广为人知。 |
| 56 | You could say they were part of the law which was acquired by | 你可以说,这是法律的一部分 被收购 |
| 57 | every child as part of their education for life, | 每一个儿童作为其终身教育的一部分, |
| 58 | like learning to cross the road as it were. | 就像学着过路一样 |
| 59 | But the world of magic also had its specialists and they were | 但魔法世界也有其专家,他们是 |
| 60 | those who were known as the cunning folk, | 他们是被称为狡猾的民众, |
| 61 | cunning men or wise women. | 狡猾的男人或者聪明的女人 |
| 62 | These individuals were those who were known to have special | 这些人是已知具有特殊特征的人。 |
| 63 | knowledge over and above the average knowledge of magical | 超乎一般的魔法知识 |
| 64 | practices and who were often believed to have a special | 他们往往被认为具有特殊性 |
| 65 | inherent power, often inherited. | 内在的权力,经常继承。 |
| 66 | It was thought to pass in the blood. | 以为经络于血. |
| 67 | The cunning folk who were pretty numerous. | 一群狡猾的老百姓 |
| 68 | One survey of known cunning folk in East Anglia suggests that | 对东安格利亚已知的狡猾民进行调查后发现 |
| 69 | there was a known cunning man or wise woman within ten miles of | 10英里之内 有个狡猾或聪明的女人 |
| 70 | any village. | 任何村庄 |
| 71 | These people were appealed to for a variety of specific | 这些人受到呼吁,要求采取各种具体的措施。 |
| 72 | purposes. | 目标。 |
| 73 | In the first place they often were appealed to for medical | 首先,他们经常被叫来求医。 |
| 74 | reasons. | 理由说明。 |
| 75 | Very often they had specialist knowledge of herbs which they | 他们往往对草药有专门的知识 |
| 76 | would administer, often accompanied by spells, | 经常伴有咒语 |
| 77 | to increase their effectiveness, | 提高它们的效力, |
| 78 | the psychological effect of the incantation going along with | 咒语带来的心理影响 |
| 79 | what may well have been the practical effect of the herbs | 草药的实际效果 |
| 80 | they used. | 他们用。 |
| 81 | 例如,Ursula Kemp就是这样一个人。 | |
| 82 | She was known as a healer in her village. | 在她的村庄里,她被称为一名医生。 |
| 83 | She was good at curing arthritis apparently. | 她显然擅长治疗关节炎。 |
| 84 | Again, they were appealed to for the diagnosis of witchcraft. | 他们再次呼吁他们诊断巫术。 |
| 85 | If a person suspected that they might have been bewitched, | 如果有人怀疑他们被蛊惑了 |
| 86 | they might go to the cunning folk for the provision of | 他们或许要到狡猾的民众那里供养, |
| 87 | countermagic. | 反魔术师。 |
| 88 | They might help the victim to identify who might have attacked | 他们可能帮助受害者 确定谁可能袭击了 |
| 89 | them in this occult manner and advise on counteraction. | 他们以这种神秘的方式,就反击行动提出建议。 |
| 90 | One of my favorite cunning men came from a town in the north of | 我最喜欢的一个狡猾的人来自北部的一个小镇 |
| 91 | England, Stokesley, and he was called John | 英国,斯托克斯利,他叫约翰 |
| 92 | Wrightson and he was known as Old Wrightson, | 莱特森和他被称为老莱特森, |
| 93 | the wise man of Stokesley. | 斯托克斯利的聪明人 |
| 94 | And people went to him for help with their horses. | 人们去找他帮忙养马 |
| 95 | He was a horse leech. | 他是一个马粪。 |
| 96 | He was very good at telling whether your horse had been | 他很擅长告诉你的马是不是 |
| 97 | bewitched and knowing how to take the appropriate | 被迷惑,知道如何采取适当的 |
| 98 | countermeasures. | 反措施。 |
| 99 | People went to the cunning folk also for the recovery of lost | 人们去狡猾的民间 也是为了找回迷失 |
| 100 | or stolen goods and they went for advice and the telling of | 或偷盗的财物,他们去寻求忠告, |
| 101 | fortunes, and to this extent the wise | 财富 以及如此程度的智慧 |
| 102 | women and the cunning men were the popular equivalent of the | 女人和狡猾的男子 和男人一样受欢迎 |
| 103 | astrologers who had a more elite clientele in this period. | 这段时期拥有更精英客户的占星家. |
| 104 | So the cunning folk provided a variety of real services and the | 因此,狡猾的民俗 提供了各种真正的服务 |
| 105 | best of them may well have been quite skilled therapists in | 他们中最好的可能是 相当熟练的治疗师 |
| 106 | their way. | 他们的方式。 |
| 107 | One historian of medical practice in this period says we | 这个时期一位医学史学家说 |
| 108 | ought to count them amongst the medical practitioners of the | 他们应该算在医生中 |
| 109 | time. | 时间。 |
| 110 | They were cheap, they were available, | 它们很便宜,可以买到 |
| 111 | and in many ways quite knowledgeable. | 并且在许多方面相当有知识。 |
| 112 | However, the church was pretty unhappy about this kind of | 然而,教会对于这种 |
| 113 | activity. | 活动。 |
| 114 | It didn't like popular magic. | 它不喜欢流行的魔法。 |
| 115 | The official teaching of the church was that if a person | 教会的官方教导是,如果一个人 |
| 116 | suffered any misfortune it must be the result of divine | 遭受任何不幸 一定是神的缘故 |
| 117 | providence. | 天赐 |
| 118 | It was either a test of your faith or on the other hand it | 它不是考验你的信仰,就是检验你的信仰 |
| 119 | was a judgment on your sin. | 那是对你罪过的判决 |
| 120 | The only proper response to misfortune was to search one's | 对不幸的唯一正确反应是 搜索一个人的 |
| 121 | own heart for the possible causes of such divine | 自己的心 对于可能的原因 这种神圣 |
| 122 | intervention, to pray, to repent, | 干预、祈祷、忏悔, |
| 123 | to trust in God's providential purposes. | 相信上帝的圣洁 |
| 124 | The church rejected magical means of relief. | 教堂拒绝了神奇的解脱手段. |
| 125 | It accepted the possibility but it rejected the means. | 它接受了这种可能性,但拒绝了这种手段。 |
| 126 | God could not be commanded by spells and incantations. | 咒语和咒语不能命令上帝 |
| 127 | Therefore, if there was any supernatural response to such | 因此,如果有超自然反应, |
| 128 | practices it must be from evil spirits. | 它必须是来自邪恶的心灵。 |
| 129 | And so, given these beliefs, we find the deeply pious of the | 因此,鉴于这些信仰,我们发现, |
| 130 | period searching their hearts for the sins which had brought | 他们为罪恶而祈祷, |
| 131 | misfortune upon them and sometimes finding quite | 他们的不幸,有时发现相当 |
| 132 | extraordinary answers. | 不寻常的答案。 |
| 133 | You find it in their diaries, for example. | 例如,你在他们的日记里找到的。 |
| 134 | For example, the diary of the Reverend Ralph | 比如拉尔夫牧师的日记 |
| 135 | Jocelyn, a minister in the late seventeenth century who having | 乔斯林,17世纪后期的一位部长 |
| 136 | lost a dearly loved daughter, searched his heart as to why | 失去一个深爱的女儿, 寻找他的心脏为什么 |
| 137 | God should have done this, why he should have taken her | 上帝应该这样做, 为什么他应该带她 |
| 138 | away, and came to the conclusion that it was because he had | 并得出结论,那是因为他有 |
| 139 | neglected his clerical duties because of his enthusiasm for | 由于他热衷于 |
| 140 | playing chess. | 下象棋时 |
| 141 | He had played chess too much. | 他下过太多棋了 |
| 142 | God had taken his daughter. | 上帝带走了他的女儿 |
| 143 | That's the conclusion he came to and he gave up playing chess. | 这就是他得出的结论,他放弃了下棋. |
| 144 | This is a seventeenth century god, not a nice modern user | 这是十七世纪的神,不是很好的现代使用者 |
| 145 | friendly god. | 亲切的上帝。 |
| 146 | Little wonder then if these were the official teachings of | 毫不奇怪,如果这些是官方的教导 |
| 147 | the church that the greater part of the population preferred to | 大部分人喜欢的教堂 |
| 148 | explain their misfortunes in terms of just bad luck or their | 来解释他们的不幸 以运气不好或 |
| 149 | neglect of protective magic or perhaps the malevolence of evil | 忽视保护魔法 或也许邪恶的恶意 |
| 150 | spirits and malicious neighbors. | 鬼魂和恶意邻居 |
| 151 | Well, this world of popular magic had long existed and it | 这个流行魔法的世界 早就存在了 |
| 152 | was long to endure. | 已经忍了很久了 |
| 153 | You can find much of it still alive and well deep into the | 你可以找到很多它仍然活着 并深入到 |
| 154 | nineteenth century, and it endured because in | 十九世纪,它忍受了,因为 |
| 155 | various ways it helped. | 以各种方式帮助。 |
| 156 | But the problem of witchcraft is altogether more distinctive. | 但巫术问题却更为突出. |
| 157 | That involved a specific kind of magic, | 这涉及到一种特定的魔法, |
| 158 | the causing of injury or death by the malevolent and malicious | 造成恶意和恶意的伤害或死亡 |
| 159 | use of supernatural powers against another or their | 利用超自然力量对抗他人或 |
| 160 | property, and that was the practice which | 财产,这是惯例 |
| 161 | 被称为 mainficium。 | |
| 162 | That's the Latin legal term which was used for this | 这是拉丁语的法律术语 用于这个 |
| 163 | maleficent magic. | 邪恶的魔法。 |
| 164 | And concern with witchcraft in this way had a quite distinct | 对巫术的关心就很不同了 |
| 165 | chronology. | 编年史. |
| 166 | The possibility of malevolent magic had always been there of | 邪恶魔法的可能性一直存在 |
| 167 | course, but concern with it was | 当然,但关心的是 |
| 168 | undoubtedly at an unusual height in the late sixteenth and earlier | 毫无疑问,在十六岁晚期和早些时候 身高不同寻常 |
| 169 | seventeenth centuries. | 17世纪. |
| 170 | And the key to why that was so is perhaps to be found in what | 为何如此的关键可能在于 |
| 171 | the historian of the Spanish Inquisition, | 西班牙宗教裁判所的历史学家, |
| 172 | Henry Cayman, has described as a peculiarly | 亨利·开曼(Henry Kayman), 被描述为一个特别的 |
| 173 | horrible conjunction in European history, | 在欧洲历史上的可怕联系, |
| 174 | a conjunction he says between popular superstition on the one | 他说了流行迷信之间的结合 |
| 175 | hand and ecclesiastical fantasy on the other, | 手和教会的幻想 另一方面, |
| 176 | the fantasies of churchmen. | 教会人士的幻想 |
| 177 | The popular superstitious element doesn't need any further | 流行的迷信元素不需要任何进一步 |
| 178 | elaboration of course. | 当然, |
| 179 | It had always been the case that some individuals were | 一直以来,有些人是 |
| 180 | regarded as having this special access to occult power. | 被认为是拥有这种特殊的神秘权力。 |
| 181 | The element of ecclesiastical fantasy however, | 然而,教会幻想的元素, |
| 182 | that was something that was peculiar to Western Christendom. | 这是西方基督的奇特之处 |
| 183 | You don't find it in the Orthodox tradition. | 在东正教传统中你找不到它. |
| 184 | And it was peculiar to the early modern period emerging at | 这在早期的现代时期很特殊 |
| 185 | the end of the fifteenth century and growing in strength in the | 十五世纪末 和壮大的力量 |
| 186 | sixteenth. | 十六岁. |
| 187 | Essentially it involved the belief that all witchcraft in | 基本上,它涉及到一种信念,即所有巫术都存在于 |
| 188 | fact involved worship of the devil, | 以恶魔盟誓, |
| 189 | and as a result the elaboration of a stereotype of the witch | 并因此对女巫的陈规定型 |
| 190 | which portrayed witches not merely as dabblers in magic or | 不仅把巫师描绘成巫术的玩偶 |
| 191 | perpetrators of malefice against neighbors, | 对邻居施虐者, |
| 192 | but as something much more serious, | 但作为更严重的事情, |
| 193 | members of an organized, diabolical, | 一个有组织的、邪恶的、 |
| 194 | and malevolent cult, not just village wise women or | 和恶毒的邪教, 不只是乡村智慧妇女或 |
| 195 | cunning men but enemies of God. | 狡猾的人只是上帝的敌人 |
| 196 | Throughout continental Europe and indeed in Scotland also, | 在整个欧洲大陆,甚至苏格兰, |
| 197 | the result of these beliefs was that the main driving force | 这些信念的结果是: |
| 198 | behind the spasmodic witch hunts which can be found in the | {\fn华文楷体\fs20\bord1\shad1\1cHE0E0E0\2cH000000}在斯派斯莫德女巫的捕獵后面 它們可以從 |
| 199 | period was probably religious zeal. | 那时的宗教狂热可能就是宗教狂热。 |
| 200 | And the great witch hunts which would be found scattered across | 和伟大的女巫猎杀 将会发现分散在各地 |
| 201 | Europe died back only when the judges came to doubt the reality | 欧洲只是在法官怀疑现实时才死 |
| 202 | of that stereotype of the witch and came to doubt the notion | 女巫的陈规定型 并开始怀疑这个概念 |
| 203 | that witchcraft was an organized cult threatening to | 巫术是一个有组织的邪教 威胁 |
| 204 | Christian society. | 基督教社会. |
| 205 | One of the first legal jurisdictions to make that | 最早作出如下规定的法律管辖区之一: |
| 206 | decision, that the whole thing was just a terrible error, | 决定,整个事情只是一个可怕的错误, |
| 207 | was in fact the Spanish Inquisition. | 其实是西班牙的宗教裁判所 |
| 208 | One doesn't usually associate the Spanish Inquisition with | 通常不会把西班牙宗教裁判所 |
| 209 | progressive movements, but in 1610 they were the first | 1610年是第一个 |
| 210 | to abandon, to refuse to deal with cases | 放弃、拒绝处理案件 |
| 211 | of this kind. | 像这样 |
| 212 | The French Parliament again did so in 1640, | 法国议会在1640年再次这样做, |
| 213 | some years later, so it gradually died away. | 几年后,它逐渐消失 |
| 214 | But throughout both Catholic and Protestant Europe, | 但在整个天主教和新教欧洲, |
| 215 | for some time, there was a unity in the war | 一段时间以来,战争是团结的 |
| 216 | against witches as enemies of God. | 对抗女巫作为上帝的敌人 |
| 217 | Well, how far was that pattern true of England? | 那么,有多远的规律 英格兰是真实的? |
| 218 | The usual answer is that it wasn't true of England and that | 通常的答案是 这不是真的 英格兰和 |
| 219 | was for several reasons. | 原因有几个。 |
| 220 | First of all, the authorities in England never | 首先,英国当局从来没有 |
| 221 | actually embraced the full ecclesiastical stereotype of | 教会的陈规定型 |
| 222 | witchcraft as evidence of a membership of a diabolical cult. | 巫术是邪教组织成员的证据 |
| 223 | Continental European ideas about the nature of witchcraft | 欧洲大陆对巫术性质的看法 |
| 224 | were certainly known in England. | 在英国是众所周知的。 |
| 225 | Books from Europe were read by the educated and these ideas | 欧洲的书籍被教育者阅读 和这些想法 |
| 226 | were disseminated by a number of English writers, | 由一些英国作家传播, |
| 227 | usually clergymen, particularly from the 1580s | 通常是神职人员,尤其是1580年代 |
| 228 | or thereabouts. | 或者说在那边 |
| 229 | Gradually such notions did seep into popular beliefs and you | 渐渐地,这种观念 渗入了大众的信仰,而你 |
| 230 | would begin to find them at the popular level by the mid to late | 会在中晚期开始在大众阶层找到他们 |
| 231 | seventeenth century. | 十七世纪. |
| 232 | But nevertheless, that notion of the nature of | 但是,尽管如此,这种概念的性质是: |
| 233 | witchcraft didn't have much influence on English law. | 巫术对英国法律的影响不大. |
| 234 | Witchcraft was never prosecuted as a heresy in England. | 巫术在英国从未作为异端被起诉. |
| 235 | The first act, which was passed against it in | 第一个行为,它是在 |
| 236 | 1542, made it a felony, any crime that was a felony | 1542年,定为重罪,任何罪行都是重罪 |
| 237 | carried the death penalty, made it a felony to practice | 将死刑定为重罪 |
| 238 | witchcraft for unlawful purposes. | 为非法目的施巫术。 |
| 239 | But that act was only on the statute book for five years, | 但该法案只写在法典上五年 |
| 240 | then it was repealed. | 后来被废止. |
| 241 | After that there was actually no law against witchcraft for | 之后实际上没有禁止巫术的法律 |
| 242 | nearly twenty years. | 将近20年了 |
| 243 | Then in 1563 there was a new act. | 之后在1563年出现了新的行为. |
| 244 | It was made a felony to invoke evil spirits and to, | 以恶灵为借口被定为重罪 |
| 245 | if they were invoked, to cause the death of another | 如果有人援引这些命令,而使人死亡, |
| 246 | then execution was the punishment. | 然后处决是惩罚。 |
| 247 | Otherwise witches were to be imprisoned or put in the | 否则,女巫会被监禁或关进监狱 |
| 248 | pillory and face death only for a second offense. | 皮洛里和面对死亡 只为第二次犯罪。 |
| 249 | Then finally in 1604 came a third act. | 后来终于在1604年出现了第三幕. |
| 250 | It elaborated on the 1563 act. | 它阐述了1563年法令。 |
| 251 | It made it a felony to bewitch anyone to either their death or | 它把欺骗任何人的死亡或 |
| 252 | their injury. | 他们的伤害。 |
| 253 | For lesser forms of sorcery, people faced imprisonment and | 对于较小形式的巫术,人们面临监禁和监禁。 |
| 254 | death for a second offense. | 为第二次犯罪而死 |
| 255 | But some elements of continental European ideas were | 但欧洲大陆的一些思想是 |
| 256 | beginning to creep in at last into this third act. | 终于进入了第三幕 |
| 257 | For example, it was made a felony to dig up | 举例来说,挖出来是重罪 |
| 258 | dead bodies for the purposes of practicing witchcraft. | 死尸是为了练习巫术 |
| 259 | Exactly why they were concerned with that they don't explain, | 这正是为什么他们担心 他们不解释, |
| 260 | but that was one of the clauses of the act. | 但这是该行为的条款之一。 |
| 261 | It was also made a felony to consult with or to feed an evil | 与恶人协商或供养恶人也是重罪 |
| 262 | spirit for any purpose. | 精神为任何目的。 |
| 263 | So some elements of the notion of diabolical pacts and the | 因此,一些要素 的概念 邪恶的契约和 |
| 264 | like were beginning to creep in but not all of the kind of | 就像开始爬进... 但不是所有那种 |
| 265 | things that are in order in Scotland or in continental | 苏格兰或大陆的秩序 |
| 266 | Europe. | 欧洲。 |
| 267 | Witchcraft remains seen as not specifically diabolical, | 巫术仍被视为不是特别邪恶的, |
| 268 | but rather, as Keith Thomas puts it, | 但正如基思·托马斯所说, |
| 269 | an anti-social crime, a very unusual one, | 反社会罪 非常不寻常 |
| 270 | but an anti-social crime rather than a form of heresy. | 但是一种反社会犯罪 而不是异端 |
| 271 | And that characteristic, that it's treated as a | 和这个特征, 它被作为 |
| 272 | specific kind of crime, comes out in the trial | 具体类型的犯罪,在审判中出来 |
| 273 | evidence. | 证据。 |
| 274 | For example, in English witchcraft trials | 例如,在英语巫术试验中 |
| 275 | it's very rare to find any reference to making pacts with | 很难找到任何关于与 |
| 276 | the devil. | 恶魔 |
| 277 | You get the odd one in the seventeenth century but they're | 你得到十七世纪最奇异的 但是他们 |
| 278 | few, so no diabolical pacts really. | 很少,所以没有 邪恶的契约真的。 |
| 279 | No witcher's sabbats at which witchers met and feasted, | 没有巫师的安息日 巫师见面和宴会, |
| 280 | danced with the devil and so forth. | 与恶鬼共舞等. |
| 281 | Very little sex with devils in English witchcraft trials, | 在英国巫术试验中很少和魔鬼发生性关系, |
| 282 | so that was a prominent feature in continental trials. | 因此,这是大陆审判中的一个突出特点。 |
| 283 | English witches didn't fly. | 英国女巫没有飞 |
| 284 | They didn't have much fun at all really. | 他们真的没有多少乐趣。 |
| 285 | English witches did however have pets. | 但英国女巫确实有宠物 |
| 286 | They had imps and familiars as they were known, | 他们有他们已知的内行和熟悉的, |
| 287 | usually small animals, and they seemed to have been | 通常都是小动物,它们似乎 |
| 288 | part of popular beliefs in England that a witch would have | 英国流行的巫术信仰 |
| 289 | a familiar which could act on her behalf. | 一个可以代表她行事的熟人 |
| 290 | 例如,Ulsula Kemp据称有4人 | |
| 291 | familiars, two cats, a toad which was called | 熟人,两只猫,一只蛤蟆,叫做 |
| 292 | Piggin, and a lamb which was called Tiffin. | 还有一只叫提芬的羊羔 |
| 293 | What the English trials focused on first and foremost was simple, | 英文审判首先侧重于简单 |
| 294 | maleficent acts. | 男性行为。 |
| 295 | Other elements usually entered only in a handful of notorious | 其他元素通常只输入少数臭名昭著 |
| 296 | cause celebs. | 导致斑点。 |
| 297 | Witches were always condemned for maleficium and they were | 巫婆总是因为男性纤维而受谴责,而且她们 |
| 298 | hanged rather than burned. | 被绞死而不是被烧死 |
| 299 | It was a crime, not a heresy. | 这是犯罪,不是异端 |
| 300 | Secondly, particular witchcraft prosecutions were rarely | 第二,特定的巫术起诉很少 |
| 301 | instigated from above in England. | 在英国从上面煽动的 |
| 302 | That's another important difference. | 这是另一个重要的区别。 |
| 303 | There's no evidence that the authorities actually wanted a | 没有证据表明当局真的想要 |
| 304 | witch hunt. | 猎巫. |
| 305 | One outstanding exception to this generalization was the | 这种概括的一个突出例外是: |
| 306 | activities in 1645 to 47 of a witch finder called Matthew | 1645年到47年 一个巫师发现马修 |
| 307 | Hopkins who operated in East Anglia and to all intents and | 霍普金斯在东安格利亚的运营 并出于一切目的 |
| 308 | purposes hired himself out as a consultant for the discovery of | 被聘为顾问 |
| 309 | witches. | 女巫们 |
| 310 | That was an organized witch hunt from which Matthew Hopkins | 这是有组织地猎杀女巫 从马修·霍普金斯。 |
| 311 | personally profited. | 个人获利。 |
| 312 | But it's the only really outstanding example of such an | 但这是唯一一个真正杰出的例子 |
| 313 | outbreak in the history of witchcraft in England. | 在英国巫术史上爆发. |
| 314 | It's made the subject of a wonderful Vincent Price movie | 这是一部精彩的文森普莱斯电影 |
| 315 | thirty years or so ago, Witchfinder General, | 三十年前,巫师将军 |
| 316 | which I do recommend. | 我建议你这么做 |
| 317 | It's got nothing to do with the history but it's a great movie. | 虽然与历史无关,但还是一部优秀的电影. |
| 318 | Okay. | 摆 |
| 319 | So witchcraft prosecutions in England tended not to come in | 所以英格兰的巫术起诉往往不会出现 |
| 320 | these witch hunts which would bring hundreds of cases. | 这些巫婆的猎杀 会带来数百个案子 |
| 321 | They didn't come in great waves with the major exception of | 他们不是在大浪中来的 除了... |
| 322 | Matthew Hopkins' activities. | 马修·霍普金斯的活动. |
| 323 | They were sporadic. | 它们是零星的。 |
| 324 | They were occasional. | 它们是偶然的。 |
| 325 | They came up one or two at a time and so forth. | 他们一次来一两个等等。 |
| 326 | In addition, in English law torture was not | 此外,在英国法律中,酷刑不是 |
| 327 | used except in certain state trials when it was specially | 用于某些州审判的案件除外,如果是特别审判的话。 |
| 328 | authorized by the Privy Council. | 由枢密院授权。 |
| 329 | In day-to-day trials torture was not used whereas it was | 在日常审判中,没有使用酷刑,而酷刑是 |
| 330 | routinely used in many jurisdictions in continental | 大陆许多法域的惯常做法 |
| 331 | Europe and indeed in Scotland. | 欧洲和苏格兰 |
| 332 | As a result people were not tortured into confessing. | 因此,人们没有受到酷刑逼供。 |
| 333 | As a result large numbers of people were not implicated by | 因此,大批人没有卷入 |
| 334 | people under torture who named names. | 被折磨的人 谁命名。 |
| 335 | What you get in the witchcraft statistics from the English | 你从英国巫术统计中得到的 |
| 336 | courts is really a lot of individual prosecutions brought | 法庭是很多个人起诉 |
| 337 | from below by the alleged victims of witchcraft seeking | 巫术受害者从下方 |
| 338 | redress in the courts, just like any other crime. | 在法庭上获得补救,就像任何其他犯罪一样。 |
| 339 | So there are some important differences in the way all of | 所以,有一些重要的区别 在方式所有 |
| 340 | this was handled in the law. | 这是法律上规定的 |
| 341 | Nevertheless, England did share in the general | 尽管如此,英格兰确实在总体上 |
| 342 | European preoccupation with witchcraft even though to a | 欧洲对巫术的专注,即使到 |
| 343 | lesser extent. | 少一点 |
| 344 | Just how far it shed is not fully known. | 它的落下程度并不完全为人所知。 |
| 345 | That's because the relevant legal records don't survive for | 这是因为相关的法律记录 无法生存 |
| 346 | every area of the country. | 全国各地 |
| 347 | They survive pretty fully for the whole of the southeast and | 整个东南部都活得很好 |
| 348 | for the county of Cheshire, but for other parts of the | 切希尔县,但其他地区 |
| 349 | country they survive only from the seventeenth century, | 他们从十七世纪就活下来了 |
| 350 | a point which is relatively late in the history of this crime. | 这一点在犯罪史上相对较晚。 |
| 351 | But where we do have the evidence, | 但我们有证据的地方 |
| 352 | one of the striking features is that the trials appear to have | 其中一个突出的特点是,审判似乎有: |
| 353 | been relatively rare except for the home circuit, | 相对来说,除了家电路之外,是很少见的。 |
| 354 | the counties around London. | 伦敦周围的郡 |
| 355 | If you look at the handout, if you look at the two graphs, | 如果你看看施舍, 如果你看两个图表, |
| 356 | Graph A gives you the trials which took place in different | 图A给出了在不同的地点进行的审判 |
| 357 | sized circuits, and the line at the top | 大小的电路,以及顶端的线路 |
| 358 | showing the real spike is the home circuit. | 显示真正的螺旋是家电路。 |
| 359 | You can see how there are vastly more cases being heard in | 你可以看到,在很多案件中, |
| 360 | the home circuit than in any other jurisdiction for which we | 家电路,而不是我们所管辖的任何其他管辖区 |
| 361 | have the records. | 有记录。 |
| 362 | The second spike is Matthew Hopkins operating in 1645. | 第二大钉是马修·霍普金斯在1645年运作. |
| 363 | But the first spike, as you'll see, | 但第一杆,你会看到, |
| 364 | was in the later years of Elizabeth. | 在伊丽莎白的后期 |
| 365 | And even within the home circuit, this area, | 即使在主电路,这个区域, |
| 366 | the cases came predominantly from one part of it, | 这些案件主要来自其中一部分, |
| 367 | the county of Essex to the east of London. | 伦敦以东的埃塞克斯县 |
| 368 | If you look at the second graph, Graph B, | 如果你看看第二个图,图B, |
| 369 | there you have the different counties of the home circuit | 那里有不同的县 家电路 |
| 370 | broken down and it's clear enough that Essex is absolutely | 分解出来,埃塞克斯是绝对的 |
| 371 | outstanding in terms of the numbers of cases which came from | 案件数量 |
| 372 | that county. | 那个郡 |
| 373 | To give you some actual figures, in the whole of the reign of | 给您一些实际数字, 在整个统治时期 |
| 374 | 1650, the county of Hertfordshire, | 1650年,赫尔特福德郡的郡, |
| 375 | which is just to the north of London, | 就在伦敦北部 |
| 376 | quite a populous county, produced only twenty-four | 人口众多的县,只有24个 |
| 377 | witchcraft cases. | 巫术案件。 |
| 378 | The county of Sussex, large county to the south of | 萨塞克斯县,南面的大县 |
| 379 | London, produced only fourteen. | 伦敦,只生产了14架. |
| 380 | The county of Essex produced a hundred and seventy-two. | 埃塞克斯县生产了一百七十二种. |
| 381 | In fact, between 1560 and 1680, | 事实上,在1560年到1680年间, |
| 382 | 270 individuals were prosecuted for witchcraft in Essex, | 270人因巫术在埃塞克斯被起诉, |
| 383 | whereas in comparison, taking a county of similar | 相比之下,一个相似的县 |
| 384 | size and similar population, in the period between 1580 and | 1580至1580年间人口规模和类似人口 |
| 385 | 1709, only thirty-four were prosecuted | 1709年,只有34人被起诉 |
| 386 | in the county of Cheshire, for which we have good evidence. | 在郡郡,我们有很好的证据。 |
| 387 | So Cheshire, thirty-four, | 故契郡三十四户. |
| 388 | Essex, 270. | 埃塞克斯,270号 |
| 389 | In general, most of the trials for which we have evidence took | 总而言之,我们掌握证据的大部分审判 |
| 390 | place in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, | 在16世纪最后四分之一, |
| 391 | in the home circuit and in Essex in particular. | 特别是埃塞克斯 |
| 392 | They were at their peak between the 1570s and the early 1590s. | 它们在1570年代至1590年代早期处于高峰期. |
| 393 | Looking at the country as a whole, | 从整个国家来看, |
| 394 | trials become very rare everywhere after about 1620. | 在大约1620年后,审判变得非常罕见。 |
| 395 | The numbers are falling away after about 1620 with again the | 大约1620年后 数字正在下降 与再次 |
| 396 | notable exception of the activities of Matthew Hopkins in | 马修·霍普金斯在 |
| 397 | the mid to late 1640s which caused a new peak of concern | 1640年代中后期 引起新的关注高峰 |
| 398 | within a downward trend. | 在下降趋势中。 |
| 399 | Well, that downward trend, the decline of witchcraft cases | 嗯,这种下降趋势, 巫术案例的下降 |
| 400 | after around 1620, is something which historians | 1620年前后 历史学家认为 |
| 401 | have found relatively easy to explain. | 比较容易解释 |
| 402 | The decline can be explained in a number of ways. | 下降可以有多种解释. |
| 403 | First of all, from at least the 1580s, | 首先,至少从1580年代, |
| 404 | some of the justices of the peace and the assize judges who | 治安官和法官 |
| 405 | had to handle these cases were very worried about the | 不得不处理这些案件... ...很担心... |
| 406 | difficulties of proving witchcraft. | 很难证明巫术。 |
| 407 | They weren't necessarily skeptical. | 他们不一定怀疑。 |
| 408 | They frequently believed that witchcraft was possible. | 他们经常认为巫术是可能的。 |
| 409 | But how could you prove in law that a particular individual was | 但你怎么能在法律上证明某个人 |
| 410 | actually responsible unless they confessed? | 除非他们供认不讳 否则要负实际责任? |
| 411 | How could you prove that something was caused by | 你怎么能证明 某事是由 |
| 412 | witchcraft rather than by natural causes, | 巫术而不是自然原因, |
| 413 | if for example someone died of a lingering illness? | 比如说,有人死于长期疾病? |
| 414 | And even if it was witchcraft, who did it? | 就算是巫术 谁干的? |
| 415 | So they were worried about the problem of proof and they talked | 所以他们担心证据问题,然后说 |
| 416 | about it. | 关于它。 |
| 417 | In witchcraft cases, normal rules of evidence could | 在巫术案件中,通常的证据规则可以 |
| 418 | not apply and this bothered them. | 这让他们很不爽 |
| 419 | Increasingly, in the seventeenth century, | 在17世纪, |
| 420 | lawyers who were worried about all of this became very unwilling | 担心这一切的律师 变得非常不愿意 |
| 421 | to entertain cases. | 以娱乐案件。 |
| 422 | They tried to talk people into not prosecuting or they insisted | 他们试图说服人们不起诉 或者坚持 |
| 423 | upon additional evidence if a case was to go forward. | 如果案件要继续审理,则需要补充证据。 |
| 424 | In addition, from the early seventeenth | 此外,从第十七届早期开始 |
| 425 | century onwards there seems to have been an actual decline | 从这个世纪开始,似乎出现了实际下降 |
| 426 | amongst educated people in belief in the very possibility | 在受过教育的人中 相信这种可能性 |
| 427 | of witchcraft. | 巫术 |
| 428 | The conviction grew that it was a fantasy which had been | 人们越来越相信 这是一种幻想 |
| 429 | projected onto wretched people by hysterical neighbors. | 被疯狂的邻居 投向了可怜的人 |
| 430 | The conviction grew that the accused did not have the occult | 被告没有神秘的 |
| 431 | powers that were claimed even if they thought they did so. | 即使他们认为自己拥有权力 |
| 432 | They were frauds. | 他们是骗子。 |
| 433 | And in the later seventeenth century there was the growth of | 而在17世纪后期, |
| 434 | awareness of the mechanical philosophy of Sir Isaac Newton, | 了解艾萨克·牛顿爵士的机械哲学, |
| 435 | who regarded the universe as having been created by God and | 他们认为宇宙是上帝创造的 |
| 436 | subjected to laws which were immutable. | 法律是不可改变的。 |
| 437 | You could not tamper with God's natural laws through using | 你不能通过使用 |
| 438 | spells and the like. | 咒语等. |
| 439 | Well, all of this probably had its influence in the course of | 这一切可能都影响到... |
| 440 | the decline of witchcraft prosecutions, | 巫术起诉的减少, |
| 441 | though initially it's most likely that it was the legal | 虽然一开始很可能会是法律上的 |
| 442 | concern, the unwillingness of some | A. 关注和关注,包括某些人的不愿意 |
| 443 | lawyers and judges to handle these cases, | 处理这些案件的律师和法官, |
| 444 | which was the main cause of the falling off noticeable by the | 这也是主要原因 下降的显著的 |
| 445 | early seventeenth century. | 17世纪早期. |
| 446 | So in these various ways one can perhaps satisfactorily | 因此,通过这些不同的方式,也许可以令人满意地 |
| 447 | explain the decline of concern with witchcraft, | 解释对巫术的关注下降, |
| 448 | but we still have to explain the sixteenth century rise of | 但我们仍然必须解释 十六世纪的崛起 |
| 449 | concern, and that turns out to be much | 担心,结果结果很多 |
| 450 | more difficult, much more difficult because | 更难 更难 因为 |
| 451 | this seems to have been a genuine popular concern with | 这似乎是人们真正关心的 |
| 452 | cases coming up from below. | 案件来自以下。 |
| 453 | One can't simply explain it in terms of the activities of a | 人们不能简单地解释它的活动 |
| 454 | number of bishops or judges. | 主教或法官人数。 |
| 455 | The dominant explanation was put forward some years ago by | 主要的解释是几年前由 |
| 456 | Keith Thomas和Alan McFarlane两部开创性作品 | |
| 457 | this subject, and they explained the rise | 这个话题, 他们解释了上升 |
| 458 | of witchcraft prosecutions in terms of a detailed examination | 对巫术起诉的详细审查 |
| 459 | of the circumstances of surviving cases. | 幸存者的情况。 |
| 460 | Witches were usually women and they were frequently elderly | 女巫通常是妇女,她们常常是老人 |
| 461 | women. | 女人们 |
| 462 | Witches were usually accused of bewitching neighbors within | 女巫们通常被指控 欺骗邻居 |
| 463 | their own village, not strangers, | 他们自己的村庄,不是陌生人, |
| 464 | always neighbors, people they knew. | 总是邻居 认识的人 |
| 465 | Witches were often poorer than their alleged victims. | 女巫往往比据称的受害者更穷。 |
| 466 | This suggested that the accusations were therefore | 这表明,这些指控是: |
| 467 | arising from tensions between relatively marginal women in the | 贫困妇女与贫困妇女之间的紧张关系 |
| 468 | village community and better-off neighbors who might be men or | 乡村社区 和较富裕的邻居 谁可能是男人或 |
| 469 | women. | 女人们 |
| 470 | Then they looked at the known circumstances of cases, | 然后他们研究了已知的情况 |
| 471 | and the classic circumstances were more or less as follows. | 典型的情况大致如下。 |
| 472 | A quarrel would occur between neighbors, | 邻居之间会发生争吵 |
| 473 | ending in one of them, the supposed witch, | 在其中之一, 所谓的女巫, |
| 474 | going away cursing or muttering. | 走开 骂人或喃喃自语。 |
| 475 | The victim would then suffer some form of personal | 受害者将遭受某种形式的个人伤害 |
| 476 | misfortune. | 不幸的发生。 |
| 477 | The victim would then begin to entertain suspicion that they'd | 然后受害人开始怀疑他们 |
| 478 | been bewitched. | 被蛊惑。 |
| 479 | They would talk to other neighbors, | 他们会跟邻居说话 |
| 480 | some of whom might have similar suspicions about the person they | 其中一些人可能对其本人也有类似的怀疑 |
| 481 | suspected. | 疑点 |
| 482 | A person would then be identified as a possible witch, | 一个人就会被确认为可能的女巫, |
| 483 | as a malevolent person in the eyes of the village. | 成为村里邪恶的人 |
| 484 | It's possible that some of those who were so accused did | 可能有些被指控的人 |
| 485 | practice magic and did believe themselves to have the power to | 并且相信自己有能力 |
| 486 | harm, and to some extent they may even | 在某种程度上,他们甚至可能 |
| 487 | have used it as a form of begging with menace. | 曾以此为威胁乞讨的形式。 |
| 488 | The quarrels between neighbors which initiated cases very often | 邻居之间的争吵经常引发案件 |
| 489 | began when someone was turned away, | 当有人被弃绝的时候, |
| 490 | having been begging or asking for a favor of some kind. | 曾经乞求或要求得到某种帮助。 |
| 491 | It's possible that some of these marginal women responded | 可能有些边缘女性会回应 |
| 492 | to being gradually identified as witches by playing the part, | 通过扮演角色逐渐被认定为巫师, |
| 493 | by scaring their neighbors, as it were, | 吓唬他们的邻居, |
| 494 | into meeting their needs. | 满足他们的需要。 |
| 495 | That could go on for years and often did, | 这可能会持续很多年 而且经常是这样 |
| 496 | but eventually some incident serious enough to trigger off | 但最终发生了一些严重事件 |
| 497 | an actual court prosecution would occur, | 实际进行法庭起诉, |
| 498 | perhaps a death, something of unusual | 也许是死亡 不寻常的事情 |
| 499 | seriousness. | 严肃 |
| 500 | When that happened someone would bring an accusation, | 当事情发生时 有人会提出指控 |
| 501 | other neighbors would chime in. | 其他邻居会进来的 |
| 502 | There were lots of such accusations. | 有许多这样的指责。 |
| 503 | Alan McFarlane found that in Essex there was an average of | 艾伦・麦克法兰发现 在埃塞克斯有一个平均值 |
| 504 | four accusers for each accused witch, | 4个控告者 每个被指控的女巫, |
| 505 | so other people would chime in with their suspicions. | 所以其他人会用怀疑来暗示 |
| 506 | Supplementary proofs might be looked for, | 可以寻找补充证据, |
| 507 | for example, the witch's mark, | 例如,女巫的标记, |
| 508 | the existence on the witch's body of a wart or mole or other | 巫婆身上有一丝毛毛 或内鬼或其他 |
| 509 | mark which seemed to be insensitive to pain and which | 似乎对痛苦不敏感 |
| 510 | was thought to be the place at which the witch's familiar would | 被认为是女巫熟悉的地方 |
| 511 | feed on her blood. | 以她的血为食 |
| 512 | If they found such a thing it was considered additional proof | 如果他们发现这样的东西, 这被认为是额外的证据 |
| 513 | and the witch might be found guilty. | 女巫可能会被判有罪 |
| 514 | Fine. | 还好 |
| 515 | Well, those do indeed seem to have been what one can think of | 嗯,这些确实 似乎人们可以想到 |
| 516 | as the classic circumstances, though they were by no means | 虽然他们根本不是 |
| 517 | unusual. | 不寻常 |
| 518 | Witchcraft accusations could arise in other contexts. | 巫术指控可能在其他情况下出现。 |
| 519 | They could arise, for example, | 例如,它们可能会产生, |
| 520 | as a result of personal rivalries in local politics. | 由于个人在当地政治中的竞争. |
| 521 | An accusation of witchcraft was something which was easy to | 对巫术的指控 很容易 |
| 522 | point at another person in order to discredit them. | 指向另一个人,以诋毁他们。 |
| 523 | So there are other circumstances. | 所以还有别的情况 |
| 524 | Not all witches were women, some were men, | 并不是所有的女巫都是女人 有些是男人 |
| 525 | though most were women, and so on. | 虽然大多数是妇女,等等。 |
| 526 | But these do appear to have been the classic circumstances. | 但是,这些似乎是典型的情况。 |
| 527 | Why then should the late sixteenth and early seventeenth | 那么为什么第十六届和第十七届早期 |
| 528 | centuries have seen a peak of such accusations? | 几个世纪以来,这种指控达到了顶峰? |
| 529 | Because surely one could find such circumstances earlier and | 因为人们可以早点发现这种情况 |
| 530 | one could find them later. | 以后会找到的 |
| 531 | Why was that the peak period of anxiety? | 那为什么是焦虑的高峰期? |
| 532 | Thomas and Macfarlane suggest, first of all, | 托马斯和麦克法兰建议,首先, |
| 533 | it was partly because of the loss of the protective magic | 部分是因为失去了保护魔法 |
| 534 | which had been supplied by the medieval church. | 是中世纪教堂提供的 |
| 535 | The Church of England allowed the belief in witchcraft to | 英格兰教会允许巫术信仰 |
| 536 | continue but it wouldn't offer ecclesiastical means of | 继续,但它不会提供教会手段 |
| 537 | counter-magic and it forbade people to resort to them. | 反魔法 禁止人们求助于他们 |
| 538 | If that was the case then bringing a legal accusation, | 如果是这样,然后提出法律指控, |
| 539 | a trial, and eventually seeking an execution would be the only | 审判,最终寻求处决将是唯一的 |
| 540 | way out of the impasse. | 摆脱僵局 |
| 541 | A second part of our explanation is that the reason | 我们解释的第二部分是: |
| 542 | for so many late sixteenth and early seventeenth century trials | 如此众多的十六世纪末和十七世纪初 |
| 543 | was that because that period was one of unusual tensions within | 那是因为那个时期 内部异常紧张 |
| 544 | village society, within neighborhoods. | 村社,邻里之内. |
| 545 | It was a period, as we know, | 这是一个时期,我们知道, |
| 546 | of economic distress, one which saw a declining | 经济萧条 经济萧条 |
| 547 | position for the poor, especially perhaps the elderly | 穷人,特别是老年人的处境 |
| 548 | and marginal poor, the widowed and so forth. | 边际贫穷,寡居等。 |
| 549 | The poor laws had not yet been fully put into effect to provide | 贫穷的法律尚未充分实施,以提供 |
| 550 | for such people. | 对于这些人。 |
| 551 | Neighbors who themselves were feeling the pinch might be less | 邻居,他们自己觉得 夹击可能更少 |
| 552 | willing to show charity, less willing to help. | 愿意施舍 不愿帮忙 |
| 553 | They might feel uncomfortable about that. | 他们可能对此感到不舒服。 |
| 554 | They might feel rather guilty about that. | 他们可能对此感到很内疚。 |
| 555 | That might prey on their minds and make them sensitive to | 这可能会伤害他们的心 让他们对 |
| 556 | misfortunes which they saw as a revenge of people to whom they | 他们视不幸为对人民复仇 |
| 557 | had refused charity, people who had perhaps | 拒绝施舍的人,也许 |
| 558 | cursed them. | 诅咒他们。 |
| 559 | Accusing such a person of witchcraft was a way of | 指责这样的人是巫术的一种方式 |
| 560 | severing their responsibility, assuaging their feeling of | 切断他们的责任,缓解他们 |
| 561 | guilt, transferring it to the accused witch. | 将它转给被控的女巫 |
| 562 | All of this is an ingenious explanation which may well hold | 所有这一切都是一个有创意的解释 很可能是 |
| 563 | a great deal of truth and it's indeed widely accepted as an | 大量的真理 被广泛接受为 |
| 564 | account of the sociology and psychology of accusations. | 社会学和心理学 指控。 |
| 565 | Recently that explanation of Thomas and Macfarlane has been | 最近对托马斯和麦克法兰的解释 |
| 566 | elaborated by more focus upon the fact that most of those | 以更注重以下事实为解释: |
| 567 | accused of witchcraft were of course women. | 被控巫术的当然是女性。 |
| 568 | The tensions within neighborhoods seem to have come | 邻居之间的矛盾似乎来了 |
| 569 | to focus upon punitive action against women above all. | • 着重对妇女采取惩罚行动。 |
| 570 | Why was that? | 为什么? |
| 571 | Thomas和Macfarlane表示,这只是一个产品, | |
| 572 | the fact that most of the economically marginal and most | 多数处于经济边缘和大多数处于经济边缘的国家 |
| 573 | of the aged in particular were indeed poor women. | 特别是老年人确实是贫穷妇女。 |
| 574 | Some feminist writers see it as more sinister, | 一些女权主义作家认为它更邪恶, |
| 575 | as constituting an attack upon women who by their social | 构成对因社会原因而 |
| 576 | situation or perhaps their aggressive personalities stood | 或也许他们的攻击性人格 |
| 577 | outside the normal controls of the patriarchal household. | 在父权制家庭的正常控制之外。 |
| 578 | It's an important issue. | 这是一个重要问题。 |
| 579 | One has to pause I think before jumping to the conclusion that | 我想在下结论之前必须暂停一下 |
| 580 | witch hunting was in effect a form of repression of women. | 猎巫实际上是压迫妇女的一种形式。 |
| 581 | Certainly it was the case that the association of witchcraft | 当然 巫术的结合 |
| 582 | with women specifically, which was universal, | 特别是妇女,这是普遍的, |
| 583 | derived in large part from fundamentally misogynistic | 主要来源于根本厌恶女性 |
| 584 | attitudes. | 态度。 |
| 585 | Women were seen as being morally weaker, | 妇女被认为在道德上较弱, |
| 586 | as more prone to temptation, as more likely to use occult | 更容易被诱惑 更可能使用神秘 |
| 587 | means to revenge themselves upon their neighbors. | 用来报复邻居 |
| 588 | Spells were the weapons of the weak. | 拼写是弱者的武器。 |
| 589 | However, witchcraft prosecutions were not simply a | 然而,对巫术的起诉并非仅仅是一种 |
| 590 | patriarchal drive against marginal, | 重男轻女, |
| 591 | aggressive or troublesome women. | 攻击性或麻烦的女人。 |
| 592 | The magistrates who heard the cases were men, | 审理案件的法官是男性, |
| 593 | but the accusers themselves were very often other women. | 但控诉者本身往往是其他妇女。 |
| 594 | The work of James Sharp reveals how many of the suspicions that | 詹姆斯·夏普的作品揭示了有多少怀疑 |
| 595 | led to accusations actually arose in the female spheres of | 导致实际上在妇女领域提出了指控。 |
| 596 | village life. | 乡村生活。 |
| 597 | They were often initiated by other women. | 它们常常是由其他妇女发起的。 |
| 598 | Women themselves felt threatened by witchcraft and | 妇女本身感到受到巫术的威胁, |
| 599 | were deeply involved in identifying and accusing | 参与查明和指控 |
| 600 | witches. | 女巫们 |
| 601 | And on the other hand, many of the juries, | 而另一方面,很多陪审团, |
| 602 | universally male, who heard these cases, | 普世男性,谁听到这些案例, |
| 603 | failed to believe them. | 无法相信他们 |
| 604 | Many accused witches were acquitted by male juries. | 许多被指控的巫师被男性陪审团宣告无罪. |
| 605 | The gender element then is clearly there but it's complex. | 那么,性别因素显然存在,但它是复杂的。 |
| 606 | It's paradoxical. | 这是矛盾的。 |
| 607 | These issues remain far from resolved but they add further | 这些问题还远未解决,但进一步增加了: |
| 608 | complexity to any discussion of the sociology of witchcraft | 关于巫术社会学的任何讨论的复杂性 |
| 609 | accusation. | 指控 |
| 610 | There are a number of other problems also to which I need to | 还有其他一些问题,我还需要 |
| 611 | draw your attention, problems relating not so much | 提醒大家注意,问题并不太多 |
| 612 | to the sociology of specific witchcraft accusations but to | 具体巫术指控的社会学,但 |
| 613 | the history of witchcraft as a crime. | 巫术的历史 作为一种犯罪。 |
| 614 | Two questions in particular arise in the English case. | 英文案件尤其引起两个问题。 |
| 615 | First of all, why were the witchcraft | 首先,为什么巫术 |
| 616 | statutes passed in the first place? | 最初通过的法规? |
| 617 | And secondly, once they were passed, | 第二,一旦他们通过, |
| 618 | why did such an utterly disproportionate number of the | 为什么如此之多? |
| 619 | Essex县发生病例? | |
| 620 | Essex seems to be wholly unusual so far as one can tell. | 埃塞克斯似乎完全不同寻常 就人们所知 |
| 621 | If there were neighborhood tensions which were acute in the | 如果有邻居的紧张气氛 尖锐地发生在 |
| 622 | county of Essex leading to such accusations, | 埃塞克斯县导致这样的指控, |
| 623 | why were there not such neighborhood tensions in the | 为何这里没有如此紧张的邻居 |
| 624 | counties of Kent or Sussex or Hertfordshire, | 肯特郡或萨塞克斯郡或赫特福德郡 |
| 625 | all of which were places which had a great deal in common with | 这些地方都有很多共同点 |
| 626 | Essex in terms of social structure, | 埃塞克斯社会结构, |
| 627 | a local economy, and so forth? | 当地经济,等等? |
| 628 | Why Essex? | 为什么是埃塞克斯? |
| 629 | Well, some brief suggestions. | 嗯,一些简短的建议。 |
| 630 | First of all, as regards to the laws, | 首先,关于法律, |
| 631 | I think it's worth considering that these laws were passed when | 我认为值得考虑的是 这些法律是在 |
| 632 | they were perhaps because of a convergence of two things. | 也许是因为两件事的趋同 |
| 633 | First of all, both of the major witchcraft | 首先,两大巫术 |
| 634 | statutes in England were passed at the beginning of new regimes, | 英国的法规是在新政权之初通过的, |
| 635 | one in Elizabeth's Second Parliament, | 在伊丽莎白的第二议会, |
| 636 | one in the First Parliament of King James VI and I. | 詹姆士六世国王和我第一次议会 |
| 637 | It makes one wonder whether there was an element in this | 让人怀疑这里面有没有元素 |
| 638 | legislation of symbolism that acts on this subject were passed | 通过了关于这个问题的象征立法; |
| 639 | perhaps as part of the propaganda of a new regime, | 也许作为新政权宣传的一部分, |
| 640 | that passing statutes of this nature in a sense conferred | 在某种意义上通过这种性质的法规 |
| 641 | legitimacy on new regimes by showing their firm stance | * 通过表明其坚定立场,使新政权具有合法性 |
| 642 | against a particularly symbolically charged form of | 一种特别象征性的 |
| 643 | deviance. | 离邪见. |
| 644 | To be opposed to witchcraft was in a sense a declaration of | 在某种意义上,反对巫术是一种宣称 |
| 645 | legitimacy. | 合法性。 |
| 646 | The acts may have had then a certain symbolic function when | 这些行为可能具有某种象征作用,如果: |
| 647 | they were passed through Parliament without opposition, | 他们没有受到反对, |
| 648 | so far as we can tell. | 据我们所知 |
| 649 | Secondly, another element of the timing of the acts is the | 第二,行为时间的另一个要素是: |
| 650 | fact that there may have been an element of political | 可能存在政治因素 |
| 651 | contingency, specifically in the form of | 应急措施,特别是 |
| 652 | suspected threats to the person of the monarch. | 怀疑对君主个人的威胁。 |
| 653 | In 1561, two years before the 1563 Act was brought forward, | 1561年,即1563年法案出台前的两年, |
| 654 | a plot had been discovered in which sorcery was allegedly being | 已经发现了一个据称是巫术的阴谋 |
| 655 | used against Elizabeth. | 用来对付伊丽莎白。 |
| 656 | William Cecil was horrified to find when the plot was uncovered | 威廉·塞西尔惊慌失措地发现阴谋 |
| 657 | that there was actually nothing on the statute book forbidding | 法律书上没有禁止的东西 |
| 658 | it. | 这个 |
| 659 | This may have been a contingent political reason for moving | 这可能是一个政治原因 |
| 660 | ahead with the witchcraft statute. | 在巫术法规之前 |
| 661 | It may have persuaded him to go along with one or two of the | 它可能说服他 与一两个 |
| 662 | bishops who were themselves interested in having | 主教们,他们自己对 |
| 663 | legislation on this issue. | 关于该问题的立法。 |
| 664 | That's an interpretation then which might be particularly | 那是个解释,也许特别 |
| 665 | relevant to the passage of the 1563 Act, | 与通过1563年法令有关, |
| 666 | though the full details of its passage through Parliament | 但它通过议会的全部细节 |
| 667 | remain unknown. | 不详。 |
| 668 | The documentation is too poor. | 证件太差了 |
| 669 | The Act of 1604 is a lot clearer. | 1604年的法案更加清晰. |
| 670 | Following the accession of James VI of Scotland as James I of | 苏格兰的詹姆斯六世成为 |
| 671 | England, he was a man with a profound | 英国,他是一个有深度的人 |
| 672 | interest in witchcraft. | 对巫术感兴趣 |
| 673 | He'd written a book about it on the subject in Scotland. | 他在苏格兰写了一本关于这个主题的书 |
| 674 | Following his accession and the union of crowns, | 在他的加入和王冠联盟之后, |
| 675 | the witchcraft statutes of both England and Scotland were | 英格兰和苏格兰的巫术法规 |
| 676 | overhauled and revised by a committee of judges and bishops. | 由一个法官和主教委员会进行整顿和修订。 |
| 677 | This again may have been a symbolic act. | 这可能是一个象征性的行为。 |
| 678 | They decided to do it then. | 他们当时决定这样做。 |
| 679 | Why then? | 为什么? |
| 680 | It's a new regime and a new act was passed in Scotland at the | 这是新政权 苏格兰通过新法案 |
| 681 | same time. | 同一时间。 |
| 682 | It may have been helped along again by the fact that in 1604 | 1604年,我们再次发现 |
| 683 | there was a particularly notorious witchcraft case in | 有个特别臭名昭著的巫术案件 |
| 684 | London itself which may have drawn attention to the problem | 伦敦本身可能引起了人们的注意 |
| 685 | once again. | 再来一次 |
| 686 | So what I'm suggesting is that these Acts of Parliament were | 所以我建议这些议会法案 |
| 687 | essentially introduced as legitimizing symbols, | 基本上被引入 使符号合法化, |
| 688 | good and godly laws introduced by good and godly regimes. | 善神制度引入的善神法则. |
| 689 | Yet there's no evidence that the authorities that put them on | 但是没有证据表明 当局放他们 |
| 690 | the statute book actually wanted a witch hunt. | 法规书实际上想要一个女巫猎杀。 |
| 691 | If they'd wanted one, they could have had one, | 如果他们想要一个, 他们本可以有一个, |
| 692 | but they didn't. | 但他们没有。 |
| 693 | What they did was to make witchcraft prosecutions possible | 他们所做的就是让巫术起诉成为可能 |
| 694 | in the royal courts, and to that extent the | 在皇家法院,以及在这方面 |
| 695 | political and ecclesiastical elite had a bigger role in | 政治和宗教精英在 |
| 696 | making possible the prosecutions which took place than is often | B. 使进行起诉成为可能 |
| 697 | recognized. | 承认。 |
| 698 | So one can perhaps explain why the Acts were put on the statute | 所以也许可以解释为什么 法令被写入法规 |
| 699 | book in that kind of way, but that still leaves the | 书是那种方式, 但还是留下 |
| 700 | problem of Essex. | 埃塞克斯的问题。 |
| 701 | Why Essex? | 为什么是埃塞克斯? |
| 702 | Is it possible that Essex as a local society was peculiarly | 埃塞克斯作为一个地方社会 会不会很特别 |
| 703 | conscious of the threat of witchcraft? | 知道巫术的威胁吗? |
| 704 | But why should that be so? | 但为什么会这样呢? |
| 705 | It's quite clear that people might feel threatened by | 很明显,人们可能会觉得受到威胁 |
| 706 | maleficium in any part of England. | 在英国任何地方都有男性纤维。 |
| 707 | Why should they act against it so much more in the county of | 他们为什么要在郡里采取如此多的反对行动 |
| 708 | Essex? | 埃塞克斯吗? |
| 709 | And the only suggestion I can make on that issue is that the | 我唯一能就此问题提出的建议是: |
| 710 | use of the criminal law against witches had had terrible | 利用刑法对付巫师 |
| 711 | publicity in Essex. | 在埃塞克斯的宣传。 |
| 712 | Essex was unusual in the sense that it saw three cause celebs, | 埃塞克斯是不寻常的,因为它看到了三个原因celebs, |
| 713 | three group trials. | 三次集体审判。 |
| 714 | They took place in 1566, only three years after the | 事件发生在1566年, 仅三年后 |
| 715 | passage of Elizabeth's statute. | 通过伊丽莎白的法规。 |
| 716 | In 1582 and in 1589. | 1582年和1589年两朝. |
| 717 | In each of these cases an initial accusation was vigorously | 在每一个案件中,最初的指控都是激烈的 |
| 718 | pursued by local justices of the peace who happened to have a | 当地治安官所追求的 |
| 719 | particular personal concern about witchcraft. | 特别关心巫术 |
| 720 | That meant that instead of just one person going on trial, | 也就是说 不只是一个人受审 |
| 721 | small groups of women went on trial and these trials were well | 少数妇女接受了审判,这些审判情况良好。 |
| 722 | publicized in pamphlets which were written about them and | 以小册子形式宣传,宣传这些内容; |
| 723 | which survive to this day. | 活到现在 |
| 724 | You can read them on early English books online. | 你可以在网上阅读早期的英语书籍。 |
| 725 | All of this then may have given peculiar publicity to witchcraft | 这一切也许都给巫术带来了特别的曝光 |
| 726 | as a threat and what could be done about it. | 威胁和可以做些什么。 |
| 727 | One wonders then whether a number of particularly | 那么,人们会问,是否有一些特别 |
| 728 | scandalous local cases occurring in this county had the effect of | 该县发生的丑闻性地方性案件产生了如下后果: |
| 729 | heightening anxiety about witchcraft within Essex, | 增加了埃塞克斯内部对巫术的焦虑, |
| 730 | enhancing the sense of threat which people felt, | 增强人们的威胁感, |
| 731 | making it more intense than elsewhere, | 使它比其他地方更强烈, |
| 732 | and of course providing an object lesson in how to deal | 并且当然在如何处理方面提供客观的教训 |
| 733 | with it. | 用这个 |
| 734 | So are we dealing then with a moral panic breaking out within | 我们是不是要面对精神上的恐慌 |
| 735 | a particular local society which subsequently died down in the | 一个特定的当地社会,它后来死于 |
| 736 | seventeenth century until it was artificially revived again by | 17世纪,直到它再次被人工复活 |
| 737 | the activities of Matthew Hopkins, | 马修·霍普金斯的活动 |
| 738 | the witch-finder general, in 1645? | 1645年的巫师将军? |
| 739 | Ursula Kemp incidentally was one of the women tried in one of | 顺便说一句,乌苏拉·肯普是其中一名被审判的妇女之一。 |
| 740 | those group trials, the one of 1582. | 那些集体审判,1582年的一次。 |
| 741 | So to conclude, the whole issue of the history | 最后,整个历史问题 |
| 742 | of witchcraft, why people were so concerned | 巫术,为什么人们如此关心 |
| 743 | with it at a particular point in time, | 在一个特定的时间点, |
| 744 | is clearly enormously complex. | 显然非常复杂。 |
| 745 | But what I'm suggesting is that first the case of England was | 但我建议,首先英格兰的情况是 |
| 746 | different to a degree from what was going on elsewhere in Europe | 与欧洲其他地方发生的情况不同 |
| 747 | at the time. | 在当时。 |
| 748 | There were no mass witch hunts to marry popular superstition | 没有大规模女巫猎杀 嫁给流行的迷信 |
| 749 | and ecclesiastical fantasy in the way one found in various | 和教会的幻想 以不同的方式 |
| 750 | parts of Europe and in Scotland. | 欧洲和苏格兰部分地区。 |
| 751 | Matthew Hopkins accepted. | 马修·霍普金斯接受了. |
| 752 | Secondly, in England witchcraft prosecutions did come up | 第二,在英国 巫术起诉确实出现了 |
| 753 | spontaneously from below and they probably usually arose in | 从下而上,它们可能通常出现在 |
| 754 | pretty much the way Thomas and MacFarlane and James Sharp have | 就像托马斯和麦克法兰和詹姆斯·夏普一样 |
| 755 | suggested as far as individual cases were concerned, | 就个案而言, |
| 756 | though it was an accusation which could also be used for | 虽然它是一个指控 也可以用于 |
| 757 | malicious prosecution and was so used. | 恶意起诉 并被如此使用。 |
| 758 | But thirdly, these cases could only arise | 但第三,这些案件只能发生 |
| 759 | because of the existence of laws which were perhaps essentially | 由于存在着一些法律,这些法律基本上或许是: |
| 760 | symbolic and contingent in their origins, | 其起源的象征和条件, |
| 761 | and that once those laws existed, | 而一旦这些法律存在, |
| 762 | Fourthly, the cases arose only sporadically. | 第四,这些案件只是偶尔发生的。 |
| 763 | The sense we have of a definite chronological pattern in | 我们有一种明确的时间顺序的感觉 |
| 764 | witchcraft prosecutions is very heavily influenced, | 巫术起诉受到很大影响, |
| 765 | as you've seen, by the case of Essex alone. | 正如你所见 仅以埃塞克斯为例 |
| 766 | Essex does seem to have been unique for very special reasons | 埃塞克斯似乎很独特 原因非常特殊 |
| 767 | which we may never be able to do more than to guess at. | 我们可能永远无法超越猜测 |
| 768 | Elsewhere in the country cases arose sporadically, | 在其他地方,偶尔出现这种情况, |
| 769 | occasionally, no clear pattern beyond the | 偶尔,除了 |
| 770 | fact that they were more common in the late sixteenth century | 16世纪后期更常见 |
| 771 | than later. | 过后. |
| 772 | And finally, there was no English witch hunt | 最后,没有英国女巫的猎杀 |
| 773 | because at the end of the day the authorities in both church | 因为最后两座教堂的当局 |
| 774 | and state didn't want one. | 州政府不想要一个。 |
| 775 | They never felt sufficiently threatened to instigate one | 他们从来没有感到足够的威胁来煽动 |
| 776 | against those they deemed their enemies. | 以他们的敌人对抗他们。 |
| 777 | The potential for a witch hunt was there and it long continued | 猎魔的潜力就在那里,它一直持续 |
| 778 | until village tensions hadn't faded. | 直到村里的矛盾没有消退 |
| 779 | The difference of the seventeenth century from the | 十七世纪与 |
| 780 | later sixteenth century was above all that the judicial | 16世纪以后,最重要的是,司法 |
| 781 | authorities not only failed to seek a witch hunt but actually | 当局不仅没有设法追捕女巫 而且实际上 |
| 782 | became active in suppressing the accusations which were brought | 积极制止提出的指控 |
| 783 | before them. | 在他们面前。 |
| 784 | So then, I suspect that overall both the rise and the fall of | 所以,我怀疑 总体的升降, |
| 785 | witchcraft prosecution is best explained by the way in which | 巫术起诉的最佳解释是: |
| 786 | the law first of all gave people and then later took away from | 法律首先给予人们,后来又从 |
| 787 | them the opportunity to settle a particular kind of personal | 他们有机会解决某种特殊的个人问题 |
| 788 | conflict through the use of the law and the prosecution of | 利用法律和起诉 |
| 789 | people to their deaths. | 人们的死亡。 |
| 790 | The beliefs behind all of that were very ancient and they long | 这一切背后的信仰 是非常古老的,他们很长 |
| 791 | continued, but the history of witchcraft | 但巫术的历史 |
| 792 | has very much to do with the use of the criminal law in the way | 与刑法的使用有关 |
| 793 | I've described. | 我已经描述过了 |
| 794 | The crucial issue was perhaps that for a short while, | 关键问题也许是,在短短的一段时间里, |
| 795 | for two generations, there was indeed a conjunction | 在两代人之间,确实存在着联系 |
| 796 | of long-standing patterns of popular belief with a shorter | 长期流行的信仰模式 |
| 797 | term enhancement of the anxieties and the credulousness | 词性增强和可信度 |
| 798 | of the elite. | 精英阶层。 |
| 799 | It was they who passed the laws that made witchcraft trials | 是他们通过法律 进行巫术试验 |
| 800 | possible. | 也许吧 |
| 801 | They later repented of their folly. | 他们后来悔改了自己的愚蠢。 |
| 802 | They avoided the enforcement of those laws and eventually in | 他们避免了这些法律的执行,最终在 |
| 803 | 1736 they repealed them, but that of course was about | 1736年他们废除了它们, 但当然,那是关于 |
| 804 | 150 years, but that of course was about | 150年,当然是 |
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