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法里德观点:现代自由主义的两个深层次失败 | 2026.7.

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时间英文中文
0:02Two recent events on opposite sides of the Atlantic point to the same problem.大西洋两岸最近发生的两起事件也指出了同样的问题。
0:06In the United Kingdom, the man widely expected to replace the stately Sir Keir Starmer as在英国,这个男人被广泛期望 取代州立的基尔·斯塔默爵士
0:12prime minister is Andy Berman, who touts business-friendly socialism as his credo.总理是安迪·伯曼(Andy Berman),他将有利于商业的社会主义视为他的教义.
0:19In New York, Democratic primary elections produced striking victories for Democratic在纽约,民主初级选举为民主赢得了惊人的胜利。
0:24socialists, suggesting that the insurgent left has found a way to turn protest into社会主义者认为,叛乱者离开后,找到了一种方法,将抗议转化为
0:31A caveat.提醒你一下 说吧
0:33The left is not marching uniformly toward socialism.左派并非统一走向社会主义.
0:37Many primaries outside New York City were won by moderate Democrats.纽约市以外的许多初选被温和的民主党人赢得.
0:41In a swing district just outside the city, the combat veteran Kate Connolly won handily.在市外的一个摇摆区 战利品老兵凯特·康诺利(Kate Connolly) 轻松获胜
0:48But a certain kind of liberalism is losing energy, confidence and connection to the people但某种自由主义 正在失去精力,信心和联系
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序号英文中文
1Two recent events on opposite sides of the Atlantic point to the same problem.大西洋两岸最近发生的两起事件也指出了同样的问题。
2In the United Kingdom, the man widely expected to replace the stately Sir Keir Starmer as在英国,这个男人被广泛期望 取代州立的基尔·斯塔默爵士
3prime minister is Andy Berman, who touts business-friendly socialism as his credo.总理是安迪·伯曼(Andy Berman),他将有利于商业的社会主义视为他的教义.
4In New York, Democratic primary elections produced striking victories for Democratic在纽约,民主初级选举为民主赢得了惊人的胜利。
5socialists, suggesting that the insurgent left has found a way to turn protest into社会主义者认为,叛乱者离开后,找到了一种方法,将抗议转化为
6A caveat.提醒你一下 说吧
7The left is not marching uniformly toward socialism.左派并非统一走向社会主义.
8Many primaries outside New York City were won by moderate Democrats.纽约市以外的许多初选被温和的民主党人赢得.
9In a swing district just outside the city, the combat veteran Kate Connolly won handily.在市外的一个摇摆区 战利品老兵凯特·康诺利(Kate Connolly) 轻松获胜
10But a certain kind of liberalism is losing energy, confidence and connection to the people但某种自由主义 正在失去精力,信心和联系
11it claims to represent.它声称代表。
12In his book, The Revolutionary Center, A Brilliant New Intellectual History of Liberalism在他的书"革命中心"中,自由主义的辉煌新知识史
13from the Enlightenment to the Present, Adrian Woolridge reminds us that liberalism was once从启蒙到现在,阿德里安·伍尔里奇提醒我们,自由主义曾经是
14the most radical force in politics.最激进的政治力量。
15It attacked inherited privilege, monopoly power, censorship, aristocracy, clerical authority它攻击了继承的特权,垄断权,审查权,贵族统治权,文书权
16and closed guilds.并关闭盾牌。
17It was not the ideology of the establishment.这不是这个机构的意识形态。
18It was the battering ram against the establishment.这是打击公羊对企业。
19Today, liberalism has become identified with power.今天,自由主义已经与权力被认同.
20Great universities, foundations, media organizations, corporations, bureaucracies of all kinds.伟大的大学,基金会,媒体组织,公司,各种官僚机构.
21Woolridge argues that this has produced two deep failures.伍尔里奇认为这造成了两个深刻的失败.
22The first is passivity.第一种是被动.
23Modern liberalism, certainly since the 1990s, has celebrated free markets and free people.现代自由主义,当然自1990年代以来,就一直庆祝自由市场和自由人民.
24In practice, this has meant deregulating both economic life and personal life and then treating实际上,这意味着解除对经济生活和个人生活的管制,然后治疗
25the consequences as the price of freedom.后果是自由的代价。
26In markets, this has allowed corporate consolidation to run wild.在市场上,这让公司合并变得疯狂。
27In personal life, liberals have become reluctant to say that certain behaviors are socially在个人生活中,自由主义者开始不愿说某些行为是社会性的
28destructive.破坏性的。
29The result is liberal fatalism.结果是自由宿命论.
30People camp out on city streets, addicted and mentally ill, and liberals often just人们露营 在城市街道上, 瘾君子和精神病患者, 自由主义者常常只是
31describe this as a housing problem.将此描述为住房问题。
32Millions suffer from obesity-related illnesses and liberals are more comfortable blaming数百万人患有与肥胖有关的疾病 自由主义者更愿意指责
33food deserts than taking on the companies that hook their customers on processed food.食物荒芜 而不是让那些 给客户带来加工食品的公司
34Social media companies do the same with their consumers' attention.社会媒体公司同样关注消费者。
35Woolridge calls for a revival of liberal paternalism.伍尔里奇呼吁恢复自由主义家长制.
36The phrase grates on modern years, but a liberal society should celebrate individual rights这句歌词歌颂现代,但自由社会应颂扬个人权利
37and also demand individual responsibility.并要求个人承担责任。
38It should understand that freedom can be destroyed not only by the state, but also by addiction,它应该明白,自由不仅可以被国家摧毁,而且还可以被毒瘾摧毁,
39monopoly, crime, ignorance and dependence.垄断、犯罪、无知和依赖。
40This is not an argument for socialism, it's an argument for truer liberalism.这不是社会主义的论点,而是真正自由主义的论点.
41Liberals should love markets not because they allow the strong to dominate or inequality自由主义者应该热爱市场,而不是因为他们让强者支配或不平等
42to grow, but because genuine competition allows the little guy to challenge the strong.但因为真正的竞争 能让小家伙挑战强者
43A healthy market is not one in which four companies quietly divide up an industry and一个健康的市场不是四个公司悄悄地将一个行业和
44use lawyers, lobbyists and algorithms to keep challengers out.使用律师,说客和算法来阻止挑战者.
45It's one in which new entrants can rise, consumers can choose, workers can move and这是一种新进入者可以上升,消费者可以选择,工人可以移动和
46incumbents can fail.任职者可能失败。
47The second failure Woolridge identifies is more uncomfortable because it concerns liberals第二次失败 伍尔里奇发现 更不舒服 因为涉及到自由主义者
48own status.自身地位。
49Liberalism believes in meritocracy.自由主义信仰功绩主义.
50Historically, this was one of its noblest causes.历史上,这是其最崇高的事业之一.
51It argued that people should rise by talent and effort, not birth, race, caste or class.它主张,人们应该靠才华和努力,而不是出身、种族、种姓或阶级。
52But over time, the meritocratic elite has hardened into its own aristocracy.但随着时间的推移,英才精英们已经硬化为自己的贵族.
53Elite liberals support social justice, but do little to dismantle legacy admissions.精英自由主义者支持社会正义,但对于拆除遗留的招生很少做.
54They want the poor to move up the ladder, but not if that requires building more housing他们想让穷人爬上阶梯,但如果这需要建造更多的住房,就不要
55in the leafy neighborhoods where they live.在他们居住的多叶地区。
56They praise individual merit, but have created a vast diversity bureaucracy that too often他们赞扬个人的功绩,但是却造就了繁多的官僚主义,这种官僚主义常常是
57judges people by group identity rather than individual character.以群体身份而不是个人特征来评判人。
58Nowhere is this clearer than K-12 education.最清楚的莫过于K-12教育。
59A genuinely liberal politics would start with the child, and it would attack any institution真正的自由政治会从孩子开始 它会攻击任何机构
60Union, bureaucracy, school board, university department that feeds its own power while工会、官僚机构、学校董事会、大学部门 既能养活自己的力量
61failing America's children.辜负了美国的孩子
62This is where democratic socialists and right-wing populists gain their power.这就是民主社会主义者和右翼民粹主义者获得权力的地方.
63They understand that people want someone to fight for them.他们明白人们希望有人为他们而战.
64They may offer bad answers, the left with class warfare, protectionism and state control他们可能会提供糟糕的答案, 左边有阶级战争,保护主义和国家控制
65and the right with protectionism, ethnic resentment and racial nostalgia.以及带有保护主义、民族怨恨和种族怀旧的权利。
66But they sound like outsiders willing to take on entrenched privilege, and they offer protection但他们听起来像外人 愿意承担根深蒂固的特权, 他们提供保护
67in a world where freedom seems to mean chaos.在一个自由似乎意味着混乱的世界里
68The way out of liberalism's crisis is not to abandon liberalism, it's to recover its自由主义危机的出路不是放弃自由主义 而是恢复自由主义
69radical spirit.激进的精神。
70Liberals should once again be the people who hate monopoly, inherited advantage, closed自由主义者应该再次成为那些 憎恨垄断、 继承优势、封闭
71systems and rig games.系统和钻机游戏。
72They should champion real competition, real meritocracy and real equality of opportunity.他们应该捍卫真正的竞争、真正的精英统治和真正的机会平等。
73They should take on corporate power when it crushes markets, government power when it当公司粉碎市场时 他们应该掌握公司权力 当政府权力
74protects insiders and cultural power when it creates bureaucracies that substitute group建立替代团体的官僚机构时保护内部人士和文化力量
75identity for individual dignity.个人尊严的身份。
76As Woolridge argues, the center cannot be merely a midpoint between left and right.正如伍尔里奇认为的那样,中心不能仅仅是左中点和右中点.
77It has to be revolutionary in its own way.必须以自己的方式进行革命.
78Liberalism's great promise was never that people would be left alone to decay in freedom.自由主义的伟大承诺是,永远不要让人民独自在自由中衰落.
79It was that people would be given the tools, rules and responsibilities necessary to flourish.正是人们将获得繁荣所必需的工具、规则和责任。
80Liberalism began as a revolt against encrusted power.自由主义开始于反抗被征服的权力的起义.
81It will survive only if it becomes one again.只有它再次成为一体,它才会生存下去。
82What I wonder about is the degree to which we have become tribalized.我想知道,我们在多大程度上已经部落化了。
83So I give you an example.所以我给你一个例子。
84You know, one of the things I have argued for a while is this is not about economics.你知道,我曾经争论过的问题之一 并不是经济学。
85It's really about these deep cultural changes.这是关于这些深刻的文化变化。
86And how do I know this?我怎么会知道?
87Because rather than economics informing people's politics, it's actually the opposite.因为与其说是经济学为人们提供政治信息,反而实际上是相反的.
88It's politics that informs the economics.是政治给经济带来信息
89What do I mean?我说什么?
90If you look into 2016, most Republicans felt that the economy in 2016, the Obama economy,如果你看看2016年,大多数共和党人认为2016年的经济,奥巴马经济,
91was terrible.简直太可怕了
92When Trump gets elected, they've changed their minds.川普当选后,他们改变了主意.
93They think the same economy is doing fantastically.他们认为同样的经济 正在做惊人的。
94And Democrats think exactly the opposite.而民主党人的想法正好相反.
95The Democrats all thought the Obama economy was great.民主党都认为奥巴马的经济是伟大的.
96And by January 21st, they thought the Trump economy was terrible.而到了1月21日,他们认为特朗普经济很糟糕.
97So rather than economics shaping their politics, it's politics that is shaping their view of economics.因此,与其说经济塑造他们的政治,不如说政治塑造他们经济学的观点。
98And it's become a situation where your tribe is right no matter what.而且这变成了一个情况 你的部落是正确的,无论什么。
99It's almost like rooting for a sports team.这几乎就像根为体育队。
100You know, the sign of your virtue and loyalty is when you are sticking with your side,你知道,你的美德和忠诚的征兆 就是当你坚持你的一边,
101even when they are screwing up, right?即使他们搞砸了,对不对?
102It's easy to be a Bears fan if they were winning.如果大熊队赢了就很容易成为球迷.
103It's easy to be a Mets fan if they were winning.如果他们赢了 很容易成为大都会球迷
104The true test is, are you a Mets fan when they lose?真正的考验是,你是一个大都会队的球迷 当他们输了?
105So in that environment, even if you and I are right that this thing seems to have had its play,所以在那种环境下 即使你和我是对的 这东西似乎有它的作用
106will people actually see that what they voted for is not working?难道人们真的会看到他们所投的票是行不通的吗?
107And I ask you this because we are at a moment where 75% of the country basically thinks我问你,因为我们正处于一个 75%的国家基本上认为
108the Iran war was a bad idea.伊朗战争是个坏主意
109But that doesn't seem to translate into any real loss of Republican support for Donald Trump, whose idea it was.但是这似乎并没有转化为共和党对唐纳德·特朗普的任何真正支持的丧失,他的想法是.
110Yeah.
111First, this is literally true.首先,这是真的。
112My Mets hat is in my room right over there.我的Mets帽子就在我的房间里
113I'll be wearing it tomorrow, despite the fact that they're absolutely terrible.我明天会戴着它 尽管它们绝对可怕
114You know, I bank on a couple of things.你知道,我存了一些东西。
115First, what you're describing is the over politicization of American life.首先,你所描述的是美国生活的政治化。
116And my view is we're over politicized and under moralized.而我的观点是,我们被过度政治化和道德化。
117We talk too much about politics and we use politics as a social therapy to cure our loneliness.我们谈论太多政治,我们用政治作为治疗孤独的社会疗法。
118Politics seems to offer you a team, but it doesn't really offer community.政治似乎为你们提供了一支团队,但它并没有真正为社区提供.
119It seems to offer you righteous action, but you're just tweeting.这似乎为您提供了正义的行动, 但你只是微博。
120And I have a feeling that this obsession with politics, which is left and right,我有一种感觉, 这种迷恋政治, 这是左右,
121it's just going to seem boring after a while.过了一段时间 感觉会很无聊
122Donald Trump is a genius at getting us to pay attention to him.唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)是一个让我们注意他的天才.
123But it's just going to seem boring and we will enter a more less political time.但是这看起来很无聊 我们进入的政治时间会减少
124I think we'll also enter a time when optimism does sell.我想我们也会进入乐观主义的时代
125And I am not a fan of Mondani's policies, but the guy smiles when he talks.我也不是蒙达尼政策的粉丝 但那家伙说话时会笑
126Yeah, and that's a big deal.是啊,这是个大问题。
127And he seems to be having a good time.他似乎玩得很开心
128He's a total vibe shift from Donald Trump.他是唐纳德·特朗普的全貌转变.
129And I don't know whether we'll have an ideological vibe shift.我不知道我们是否会有意识形态的转变。
130I really think we're going to have a cultural vibe shift.我真的觉得我们会有一个文化氛围的转变。
131Finally, I count on two things, both of which you've written a lot about.最后,我指望两件事, 你写了很多。
132America and liberalism.美国与自由主义.
133The belief system, your last book was about liberalism really as a way of life.信仰系统,你最后一本书 是关于自由主义 真正作为一种生活方式。
134And when I think of liberalism as a way of life, and you can talk about it more当我把自由主义当成一种生活方式的时候 你可以多说说
135than I, but I think of a story I read in a memoir over the year,比我,但我想到一个故事 我读在回忆录一年,
136a memoir by Viola Davis, which I highly recommend, a great, great memoir.维奥拉·戴维斯的回忆录 我极力推荐这本回忆录
137And Viola Davis, the actress, grew up very, very poor, like dirt poor, dirt poor.而女演员维奥拉·戴维斯(Viola Davis)则成长得非常,非常穷,就像泥土穷,泥土穷.
138And she was in high school and the teacher, she's in drama class.而她当时在高中和老师,在戏剧课上.
139And the teacher says to the whole classroom,老师告诉整个教室,
140who wants to be an actor when you grow up?长大后谁想当演员?
141Every hand goes up.每举手.
142And then the teacher says, you realize there are auditions.然后老师说,你知道有试镜。
143And there are failures.还有失败。
144And there's poverty.而有贫穷.
145And you lose, you get humiliated all the time.你输了,就一直被羞辱
146And all the hands start going down.所有手开始下垂。
147And finally, there's only one hand in the air.最后,只有一只手在空中。
148It's Viola Davis' hand.这是维奥拉·戴维斯的手。
149And she writes in this memoir, when you've had your heat shut off,她在这本回忆录里写道, 当你的热量关闭,
150you've gone to bed hungry.你饿了吗?
151You're not scared when somebody tells you life is going to be hard.当有人告诉你生活会很艰难时 你并不害怕
152And she says, my dreams were bigger than my fear.她说,我的梦想比我的恐惧还伟大
153And I think that's woven into the DNA of America,我认为这被编织成美国的DNA
154to the immigrant people who came here, my family too, a little earlier.给来此的移民们,我的家人, 稍早一点。
155And I think it's woven into liberalism.我认为它编织成自由主义。
156What Viola Davis just expressed, to me, that's liberalism.维奥拉·戴维斯刚才对我表达的 那是自由主义
157You can start from nothing.你可以从没有开始。
158You have freedom.你拥有自由。
159You have ladders.你有梯子。
160If you want it and you have the hunger in your heart,如果你想要,你心里有饥饿,
161you can become Viola Davis.你可以成为维奥拉戴维斯。
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